di Biagio Andò

SOMMARIO: 1. Premessa. - 2. Ai due estremi della jurisprudence constante: Watson v. Feibel e Frost-Johnson v. Salling’s Heirs. - 3. L’idea di vincolo del precedente nel prisma dello stare decisis. - 3.1. Traiettorie evolutive dello stare decisis in Inghilterra: la teoria dichiarativa e la teorica classica. - 3.2 Un vincolo soft: la teoria del precedente negli Stati Uniti. - 4. Jurisprudence constante e stare decisis a confronto: prassi distinte o assimilabili? - 5. Giurisprudenza come fonte: sua estraneità alla tradizione di common law vigente in Louisiana… - 5.1 …e sua riconduzione nel solco della tradizione civilian. - 6. Conslusioni.

This paper focuses on the issue of judicial creativity in the framework of a peculiar offspring of the two major legal traditions of common and civil law: Louisiana. According to a widespread representation, courts would enjoy a law-making role within the common law tradition, while they would be caught in the straightjacket of the legislature’s will in the civil law one. This writer aims to challenge this picture, shedding light, through the lenses of legal history, on the doctrines of stare decisis and jurisprudence constante in order to have a deeper grasp of the actual role played by courts within the civil law tradition.

di Antonio Cantaro

SOMMARIO: Premessa. 1. Gennaio 2013, l’antefatto. – 2. 23 giugno 2016, Il fatto. – 3. All’indomani del 23 giugno, il “fattaccio”. – 4. Due secoli e mezzo prima. – 5. 3 novembre 2016, l’independence day della democrazia pluralista. – 6. 24 gennaio 2017, la festa continua. – 7. 29 marzo 2017, Il Brexit day. – 8. Dopo Brexit, il “caso” Trump. – 9. Costituzionalismo elitista e costituzionalismo populista.

 
In the last years, Western democracies have seen different attempts to expand the government powers. In particular, a first example was offered by the UK government: Theresa May, after the popular consultation of 23 June 2016, pretend to trigger article 50 TEU without a previous authorization of Parliament. A second example could be Donald Trump massive use of executive orders. It could be dangerous to classify these phenomenona just as an expression of intolerance against the traditional limits to the executive power. They are a powerful expression of a new political culture that is in radical contrast with constitutional elitism and pretend to give voice to ‘common man democracy’.

di Roberto Di Maria

SOMMARIO: 1. Profili oggettivo e soggettivo dei “rappresentati di interessi”. – 2. Il “registro” dei rappresentanti: un topos. – 3. Considerazioni critiche. – 4. Sintesi conclusiva.

 
The Council for the internal regulation of the Chamber has recently approved the «Regulation of the lobbies’ activities by the Chamber’s sites» in which, for the very first time in Italy, it is given a definition of «lobbying activity», that is subdued to the inscription and regular maintenance of a «Register of subjects professionally playing [such] activity […] by the deputies».
Is it a “first step” towards the full regulation of the “lobbying phenomenon”? Or else, a new consciousness – by the Legislator – of the relevance of such phenomenon, even in Italy, related to the process of transformation of the various forms of interests’ representation?
From the text of this very short Regulation some points may be assumed, about either the status quo or the per-spectives of the normative evolution on “interests’ groups” – and their activity – in the Italian Constitutional system.

di Filippo Donati

SOMMARIO: 1. Premessa. – 2. Il problema della legittimazione dei poteri di regolazione. – 3. L’applicazione della teo-ria dei poteri impliciti nell’ambito del diritto d’autore. – 4. Il fondamento dei poteri regolatori secondo la giurisprudenza del Consiglio di Stato. – 5. Considerazioni conclusive.

The article examines the legitimacy of the independent regulatory Agencies’ power and whether it is compatible with the principle of representative democracy.
An emblematic case study is offered by the copyright protection in electronic communications networks regula-tion, adopted by the Communications Guarantee Agency ("AGCom") in 2013 and contested before Tar Lazio and Italian Constitutional Court.
Has the mentioned dilemma been solved by the Judges?

di Tommaso Edoardo Frosini

SOMMARIO: 1. La crisi della rappresentanza come crisi del rappresentato. – 2. Rappresentanza vs. globalizzazione. – 3. Legislazione e globalizzazione. – 4. Comparazione vs. globalizzazione? – 5. Sul mito del dialogo fra le istituzioni. – 6. Conclusioni.

 
This article examines and addresses a feature common to many contemporary democracies: the crisis of political representation. It goes without saying that the crisis refers to traditional political representation i.e. the mandate to represent the entire nation, the responsibility of those who represent, political parties as associations representing the people, the exercise of legislative power as a primary duty of representative assemblies together with their function of control and scrutiny. Furthermore, the representation crisis is also determined by the difficulty of finding an equilibrium, or rather, a synthesis between governability and representation.
The crisis of representation is also the crisis of the represented (or constituents), who have lost their political and institutional standpoints. This is due to several factors: the liquefaction of political parties, which are ever less the bridge be-tween political society and civil society; Parliament’s loss of centrality i.e. a body that no longer decides; the disappear-ance of the relationship between representative and territory, and hence the concept of the elected representative as an expression of an electoral district or constituency.
Political representation has thus become fragmented also because there has been an increase in social pluralism that can-not be fully represented in Parliament alone.
The republican institutions have had to rule fast changing social dynamics, which have grown more complex because of the processes of globalization and the technological revolution. National constitutional systems have become aware of the difficulties parliaments have in providing answers in a suitable and rapid way. They have questioned the role of parliamentary assemblies, and the role of law within social contexts.
A strong and convinced relaunch of the concept of representation, and its variations in the shapes and usages of a liberal democracy, is a way of putting a halt to populism and most of all a way of giving back dignity to constitutionalism.

di Felice Giuffrè

SOMMARIO: 1. La “fuga” del Parlamento di fronte alla frammentazione degli interessi e alla crisi della rappresentanza politica. – 2. Sapere tecnico-specialistico e decisione politica: le autorità amministrative indipendenti come sede di ricomposizione degli interessi. – 3. Le nuove frontiere del principio di legalità: la partecipazione, la legittimazione da risultato e il dovere di dare pubblico conto.

 
For some time constitutionalists and political scientists have been questioning the crisis of political representation and the inadequacy of the classical instruments of Western democracy. The inadequacy manifests itself, first of all, with the progressive renunciation of the Parliaments to exercise their typical legislative function. The regulation of important sectors of the social and economic life of the community is so often entrusted to independent Authorities or Agencies, which do not have a legitimation of a democratic and elective nature, but only technical and professional. For this reason, the regulatory acts of these Authorities or Agencies must be produced following procedures that guarantee the maximum participation of stakeholders and citizens, in single or associated form. Indeed, only by strengthening the participation from below will it be possible to guarantee, in a new form, the substance of the principles of the rule of law.

di Nicola Lupo

SOMMARIO: 1. Il tradizionale dominio del cleavage partitico nell’organizzazione parlamentare. – 2. Il riconoscimento dei gruppi parlamentari e delle commissioni permanenti nella Camera dei deputati nel 1920. - 3. La “parentesi fascista” e il recupero di quel modello con la Costituzione repubblicana, fondata sui partiti politici. – 4. L’evoluzione dei regolamenti parlamentari in epoca repubblicana. - 5. La cesura del 1993 e l’incompiuta stagione del maggioritario. - 6. L’accentuata “mobilità” tra i gruppi parlamentari. - 7. La permanenza del bicameralismo paritario dopo il referendum costituzionale del 4 dicembre 2016 e la spinta a favore della proporzionalizzazione del sistema elettorale. - 8. La nuova legge elettorale n. 165 del 2017 e le prospettive di riforma della disciplina dei gruppi parlamentari (specie al Senato).

The contribution examines the evolution of the regulation of parliamentary groups in the Italian Chamber and Senate. The analysis moves from the very first provisions regulating this matter, which were introduced in 1920 under the Albertine Statute. Then, the contribution explores the reactivation of the regulation of parliamentary groups at the dawn of the Italian Republican experience, investigating its subsequent transformations, until today, in connection with the evolution of a very instable electoral legislation.

di Vasco Pereira Da Silva

We are witnessing today the transformation of a principle of (formal) legality into a material, open and flexible institute, the content of which means the subordination of the Administration to all sources of law. This transformation of legality into juridicity (which began in Portugal as a doctrinal construction and was later adopted by the legal order) obliges to abandon that authoritarian view of the Administration, typical of liberalism, which affirmed the autonomy and primacy of the Administration (and of its own Administrative Law) over all the sources of law, with the exception of (formal) law.
In summary, the principle of legality that began with being merely formal and of restricted content, at the time of the Liberal State, became a material and open principle, in the Post-Social State in which we live, which forces to integrate in its content all sources of law, be they of a supra-legal nature (Constitution, European Law, Global Law, International Law), be those of a legal character (which can be either the law coming from Parliament or from other bodies with legislative power), whether those of an infra-legal nature (plans, regulations, administrative acts and public procurements). As in Constitutional Law, where the existence of various levels of legal pro-tection obliges us to speak in "multi-level constitutionalism", we could also speak here of a "principle of multi-level legality".

di Antonio D'Atena

SOMMARIO: 1. Fonti, forma di Stato e forma di Governo. – 2. Forma, forza e gerarchia a base formale. – 3. Dallo Stato liberale-censitario all’irruzione del pluralismo. – 4. La Costituzione repubblicana, il criterio della competenza e l’erosione della gerarchia a base formale: la gerarchia dei contenuti. – 5. Costituzionalismo multilivello e criterio della preferenza. – 6. Le autorità indipendenti e l’elaborazione di canoni non normativi. – 7. Una conclusione interlocutoria.

 
Sources of law organization reflects the genuine essence of the entire constitutional system. With the 1948 Constitution, Italy took note of the failure of the 19th century idea of statutory law and, after the collapse of the fascist organization of law, embraced constitutional pluralism. This fundamental choice produced very important effects concerning sources of law. First of all, hierarchy is no more the only criterion to solve conflict between norms because competence was originally introduced by the Constituent Assembly and, after adhesion to the European Community, the Constitutional Court has recognized the preference of EU law. Secondly, statutory law is no more the most relevant source because law i salso produced by local and regional authorities.

di Antonio Ruggeri

SOMMARIO: 1. Crisi della rappresentanza (rectius, rappresentatività), mutue implicazioni tra regole e regolarità, necessità di interventi riparatori estesi all’intero sistema. – 2. I tratti maggiormente salienti delle pratiche di normazione poste in essere dal Governo: a) l’espansione, con l’effetto dell’affermazione di una forma di governo tendenzialmente “a trazione governativa”. - 3. Segue: b) la sregolatezza, e la ricerca dei suoi possibili rimedi, al piano dei procedimenti così come a quello della struttura e dei contenuti degli atti, anche in vista di un complessivo riordino istituzionale di cui si avverte in modo pressante il bisogno. – 4. Rimedi specificamente valevoli per gli atti governativi di normazione e rilevanti al piano delle regole come pure a quello delle regolarità.

The paper focuses on the reasons behind the crisis of the notion representation (or better, of the representativeness as the attitude of the representatives to fulfill the most pressing social needs). More precisely, the paper emphasizes as in order to find a solution to such crisis is necessary to intervene with a set of rules (constitutional and not constitutional) and with new methods e praxis in the politic arena. This seems even more true for the legislative activity of the government, characterized by a growing expansion and, in general, very often not organized. Defects, the above mentioned ones, which urge a substantial review of the legislative processes and also of the drafting and contents of the executive acts.

di Loredana Zappalà

SOMMARIO: 1. La mutazione genetica del diritto del lavoro. – 2. La metamorfosi delle fonti: la crisi della inderogabilità. – 3. Verso un nuovo assetto dei rapporti “eteronomia”/ “autonomia”. – 4. La crisi della rappresentanza.

The essay analyzes the relationship between Law and collective bargaining - always conditioned by the difficult link of the industrial relation system with the political system - that is evolving with a progressive reduction of the difference between heteronomous and autonomous regulation. From a juridical matter finalized to defending and increasing the powers and the rights of workers, it has become a technical instrument to guarantee the competitiveness of the economy and to reach some targets, like the increase in employment levels, the organizational efficiency of companies, the growth in productivity etc. These radical modifications threaten the scientific status of Labour Law and determine an epistemological crisis of the matter.

di Giovanni Serges

SOMMARIO: 1. Crisi della cultura della rappresentanza e funzione legislativa. - 2. Il ruolo dominante del Governo nella produzione normativa e la posizione della giurisprudenza costituzionale. - 3. Le ragioni del declino della rappresentanza: a) la legge elettorale. - 4. b) crisi dei partiti politici. - 5. Le trasformazioni dei meccanismi di produzione del diritto: i decreti di natura “non regolamentare”. - 6. La comparsa di nuove figure: a) le linee guida dell’ANAC. - 7.b) le linee guida in materia sanitaria e i processi di “giuridificazione”. - 8. Il ruolo nomopoietico della giurisprudenza dinanzi alle trasformazioni della funzione legislativa.

The crisis of parliamentary representation, produced by the change in the role of political parties and of election law, has caused a progressive strengthening of the Executive. New forms of lawmaking have thus emerged, such as “guidelines”, and the system of sources of law is therefore becoming more complex and difficult to interpret. The position of judges as “law makers” is thereby also reinforced.

di Fabrizio Tigano

SOMMARIO: 1. Premesse. - 2. Le due “traiettorie” fondamentali dell’ordinamento in materia amministrativa a partire dal 1990. - 3. I tentativi di riforma in materia amministrativa. - 4. Le riforme costituzionali tra il 2001 ed il 2005. - 5. La (tendenziale) affermazione di nuove fonti. - 6. Crisi della politica e sue ricadute sistematiche. - 7. Le attuali difficoltà delle amministrazioni pubbliche. - 8. Democrazia pluralista ed autonomie. - 9. Le “ragioni” dell’economia e sue ricadute sul sistema amministrativo. - 10. Pluralismo, democrazia ed autonomie: alcune riflessioni conclusive.

The essay highlights some (among many) aspects of the current complex relationship between pluralist democracy and the principle of autonomy in order to solicit further moments of reflection and deepening in this regard. Moving from the paths that characterized the most recent reforms, it seems to emerge that such paths, on the one hand, retain their intrinsic reason for being, on the other, for contingent reasons that can be attributed to the current systemic "imbalances", they are in a condition that may compromise the overall harmony of the system.

di Fausto Vecchio

SOMMARIO: 1. La medicina difensiva e la rilevanza socio-economica del problema. – 2. Il quadro normativo della responsabilità medica: dalle previsioni codicistiche alla problematica attuazione della legge Gelli. – 3. Problemi generali di costituzionalità dei fenomeni di produzione privata di norme giuridiche. – 4. I problemi specifici delle modalità di produzione delle linee guida in materia di responsabilità del medico: dal rischio di una medicina difensiva a quello di una medicina corporativa?

The last reforms of medical liability have tried to address the problem of defensive medicine. With the so called Balduzzi law and Bianco Gelli law a new source of law was created to regulate health care professions. It is worth to mention that the new guidelines provided by the reforms are characterized by a new approach to the problem of governance, because they are an original attempt to involve professional medical association in the regulation of this problematic issue. For these reasons, they could be in contrast with the Italian constitutional framework.

di Alexandre Viala

SOMMARIO: 1. Les vertus du fait majoritaire. – 2. Les vertus du parlementarisme rationalisé. – 3. Les mécanismes de protection et d'extension du domaine réglementaire. – 3.A. La protection du domaine réglementaire : les article 37-2 et 41 C. – 3.B. L’extension du domaine réglementaire : l’article 38 C. – Conclusion.