con la collaborazione del Deutsch-italienische Rechtswissenschaftler e.V. (DIR e.V.)

 

Name of the act: Directive (EU) 2024/1385 on combating violence against women and domestic violence, entered into force on June 13, 2024.

Subject area: Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence; Gender-based Violence; Sexualised Violence; Human Rights; European Union Law; Criminal Law.

Brief description of the content of the Directive: The Directive on combating violence against women and domestic violence[1] establishes a common, comprehensive framework for the effective prevention and combating of these acts of violence throughout the Union through measures in various areas, ranging from the definition of relevant criminal offences and penalties to enhanced protection and access to justice for victims, to better prevention measures.

Comment

  1. Context of the legislation

Both in Germany and across Europe, violence against women and domestic violence are expressions of structural discrimination against women. As a global problem, this phenomenon is increasingly becoming the focus of criminal policy[2]. The latest instrument in the fight against this form of violence is Directive (EU) 2024/1385 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 14 May 2024 on combating violence against women and domestic violence (hereafter referred to as Directive), which the German legislator, like all his European counterparts, must transpose into national law within three years of its entry into force[3].

Brief description of the content of the Act

The German Law on Corporate Due Diligence in Supply Chains establishes binding due diligence obligations for companies that satisfy certain requirements to prevent human rights abuses and environmental harm in their supply chains and subsidiaries.

1. Context of the legislation

The German Law on Corporate Due Diligence in Supply Chains (hereafter referred to as German Law or LkSG) fits into a broader context of national and international legal initiatives aimed at ensuring that business practices are consistent with respect for human rights and environmental protection. Its enactment marks a significant step toward fulfilling the objectives of the German National Action Plan (NAP/2016-2020)[1] for the implementation of the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs)[2], issued by the German Federal Government in 2016 in response to several significant human rights violations[3]. In this context, Germany aligns with other European States by enacting legislation that renders certain elements of the UNGPs legally binding for business enterprises.[4]

Name of the act/s*

Decision of the Federal Constitutional Court (BVerfG) of 15 June 2022, 2 BvE 4/20, 2 BvE 5/20

Subject area

Constitutional Law

Brief description of the contents of the act

Thomas Kemmerich, member of the liberal democratic party (FDP), has unexpectedly been elected Prime Minister of the Free State of Thuringia by the members of the state parliament in February 2020. His election was strongly criticized by the public, as he could only be elected with the votes of the members of the (in parts extreme) right-wing party (AfD). Then Chancellor Angela Merkel commented on this in an interview, as follows: the process was “unforgivable“ and it was “a bad day for democracy”. The election must be “reversed”. The BVerfG now ruled (by a vote of five to three) that the Chancellor had by this statement, violated the right to equal opportunities of parties under Article 21 (1) in conjunction with Article 3 of the Basic Law.

Comment

The decision is in line with the BVerfG's case law on other statements made by politicians regarding right-wing parties. In 2014 for instance, the Federal President at the time, Joachim Gauck, called NPD (national democratic party) supporters "nutcases", while in 2020 Interior Minister Horst Seehofer uploaded an interview on the website of the Ministry of the Interior, in which he commented negatively on the AfD. In all cases, a violation of the right to equal opportunity of parties was established, because an infringement of this right must be justified under constitutional law. Such justification cannot be based on the fundamental right of freedom of opinion, because fundamental rights are defensive rights of the citizen against the state and are not available to state organs unless they are acting as private individuals in the given case. Such a differentiation between private individuals and state organs is sensible, since otherwise state authority could withdraw its protection against citizen on the basis of its own fundamental rights being affected. However, a justification for state organs could very well arise from other constitutional regulations that assign competences to the latter. For the federal chancellor, for example, this is the preservation of the Government’s stability and the reputation of the Federal Republic within the community of states. But neither Germany’s stability on a federal level nor the ability to act in foreign policy are impaired by this national scandal, meaning that the infringement of equal treatment of parties cannot be justified. It may seem unsatisfactory that the most powerful organ of Germany – the chancellor – is not allowed to comment on daily political events if thereby other parties’ political participation is restricted. But it is necessary to expect greater neutrality from members of the government when they have access to resources, unavailable to other members of parliament. That is the only way the democratic formation of will from the bottom up can be guaranteed and fairness in the public expression of opinions can be assured. It is undoubtedly not always obvious to the public whether a politician is acting as a private citizen, a member of parliament or a member of the government. However, a greater access to financial and personnel resources makes a real difference in terms of a politician’s reach, which is why the BVerfG's ruling is coherent in itself, even if in this case it is in favor of a party that is being observed by the German domestic intelligence services.

Secondary sources/ doctrinal works (if any)

https://www.bundesverfassungsgericht.de/SharedDocs/Entscheidungen/DE/2014/06/es20140610_2bve000413.html

https://www.bundesverfassungsgericht.de/SharedDocs/Entscheidungen/DE/2020/06/es20200609_2bve000119.html

*Act citation /year and number

 

Enacted by

 

Official link to the text of the act

https://www.bundesverfassungsgericht.de/SharedDocs/Entscheidungen/DE/2022/06/es20220615_2bve000420.html

AUTHOR: Madeleine Lasserre
COUNTRY: Germany
YEAR: 2022
Name of the act: Act regulating the sale of goods with digital elements and other aspects of sales contracts
Subject area: Implementation of the EU Directive concerning contracts for the sale of goods

Name of the act/s*

§ 28 Infektionsschutzgesetz (IfSG) – Art. 28 of the Infection Protection Act, amended by Law of 27 March 2020

Subject area

Covid-19 measures

Brief description of the contents of the act

Following the amendment by Law of 27 March 2020, Art. 28 of the Infection Protection Act enables “the competent authorities” to oblige persons not to leave the place where they are located (or only under certain conditions) and not to enter specific places or public places.

Comment

To counter the current Covid-19 pandemic, Germany did not resort to the so-called “emergency constitution”, i.e. the constitutional framework set by the German Constitution itself to address external or internal emergencies. Measures to counter the spread of the Coronavirus were simply based on the Infection Protection Act (Infektionsschutzgesetz - IfSG). However, it was questionable whether the Infection Protection Act, in the version in force at the moment of the pandemic’s outbreak, provided for a solid legal basis for the adoption of all measures deemed necessary to effectively protect public health. Doubts arose, in particular, on whether a prohibition to leave the place of residence (Ausgangssperre) could be validly ordered under Art. 28 of the Infection Protection Act. In its version in force until 27 March 2020, that provision read: “the competent authorities […] can oblige persons not to leave the place where they are located […] until necessary protective measures have been taken”. This seemed unfit to cover a lasting ban to leave one’s house, also because the provision did not mention freedom of movement (Art. 11, para. 1 of the German Constitution) among the freedoms that could be restricted through these measures. Law of 27 March 2020 amended Art. 28 accordingly, repealing the reference to the temporary nature of such measures (“until necessary protective measures have been taken”) and explicitly mentioning freedom of movement among the freedoms that can be restricted. This was to comply in particular with Art. 19 of the German Constitution, which requires that “the law must specify the basic right affected and the Article in which it appears” when it restricts basic rights (so called Zitiergebot).     

Secondary sources/ doctrinal works (if any)

Further readings: L. Hering, Covid-19 and constitutional law: the case of Germany, in J.M. Serna de la Garza (ed.), Covid-19 and Constitutional Law, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, 2020, 149-156

*Act citation /year and number

§ 28 Infektionsschutzgesetz (IfSG), amended by Law of 27 March 2020 (BGBl. I S. 587)

Enacted by

German Bundestag

Official link to the text of the act

https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/ifsg/

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